When “Questions“ are not Questions. Inferences and Conventionalization in Spanish But-Prefaced Partial Interrogatives Oliver Ehmer.pdf

该【When “Questions“ are not Questions. Inferences and Conventionalization in Spanish But-Prefaced Partial Interrogatives Oliver Ehmer 】是由【小舍儿】上传分享，文档一共【31】页，该文档可以免费在线阅读，需要了解更多关于【When “Questions“ are not Questions. Inferences and Conventionalization in Spanish But-Prefaced Partial Interrogatives Oliver Ehmer 】的内容，可以使用淘豆网的站内搜索功能，选择自己适合的文档，以下文字是截取该文章内的部分文字，如需要获得完整电子版，请下载此文档到您的设备，方便您编辑和打印。:..OpenLinguistics2018;4:70–100ResearchArticleOliverEhmer,MalteRosemeyer*When“Questions“-PrefacedPartialInterrogativeshttps:///-2018-0005ReceivedMay17,2017;acceptedFebruary15,2018Abstract:Thepresentpaperanalyzesthediscourse-pragmaticfunctionofintroducingSpanishqué‘what’-interrogativeswiththeconcessiveconnectivepero‘but’.Insomecontexts,apero-prefacecontributestotheinterpretationoftheinterrogativeastherealizationofaninteractionalchallengeratherthanarequestforinformation().Weexploretheinferentialprocessesbywhichthepero-prefaceleadstoaninterpretationoftheinterrogativeasaninteractionalchallengeandtrytodemonstratethatthischallengefunctionofpero-prefacedqué-interrogativesmaynotonlyachieved‘adhoc’byalocalcombinationoftheconstitutiveelements,butalsobyconventionalizedform-,weanalyzepero-prefacedqué--prefaces:tosignalthatapreviousanswertothesameinterrogativeisinsufficient,toinsistonananswertoapreviouslyunattendedrequest,,weidentifyentrenchedpatternsofpero-prefacedqué-,weconductadiachronicvariationistanalysisofthedevelopmentofSpanishpero-prefacedqué-interrogativesbetween1700and1975,,,however,theuseofpero--:interrogative;concession;inference;wh-question1IntroductionInterrogatives,?,,interrogativescanbeusedtoperformabroadrangeofotherconversationalfunctions,suchasperforminganoffer‘Wouldyouliketohaveacupoftea?’oranevaluation‘Howbeautifulisthat!’().However,theprecisefunctionofaspecificinterrogativeArticlenote:ThispaperbelongstothespecialissueonInferencesinInteractionandLanguageChange,&MalteRosemeyer.*Correspondingauthor:MalteRosemeyer,KULeuven,Leuven,Belgium,E-mail:malte.******@OliverEhmer,Albert-Ludwigs-Universit?tFreiburgess.?2018OliverEhmer,MalteRosemeyer,-mercial-|9/24/189:09PM:..When“Questions“arenotQuestions?,namelytheeffectofprefacingSpanishpartialinterrogativesformedwiththeinterrogativepronounqué‘what’withtheconcessiveconnectivepero‘but’.1Wearespecificallyinterestedinthefactthatinsomecontexts,apero-prefacechangestheinterpretationoftheinterrogativefromrequestinginformationtoperforminganinteractionalchallenge,,weexploretheinferentialprocessesbywhichthepero-,wetrytodemonstratethatthischallengefunctionofpero-prefacedqué-interrogativesmaynotonlybeachieved‘adhoc’binationoftheconstitutiveelements,butalsobyconventionalizedform-,orpusofwrittenSpanish,,weanalyzethefunctionofpero-prefacedqué-interrogativesinacorpusofspokenPresentDaySpanishdrawingonthecorporacola(al.),callhome(Canavan/Zipperlen1996),cespla(Ehmer2010),c-oral-rom(CrestiandMoneglia2005),hacspa(Gabriel2011),sp(Torreira/Ernestus2010).Wedemonstratethattherearefourmainfunctionsofpero-prefacesinqué-interrogatives:tosignalthatapreviousanswertothesameinterrogativeisinsufficient,toinsistonananswertoapreviouslyunattendedrequest,,,ountvariouscontextualfactorsthat,basedoninferences,,,weidentifyentrenchedpatternsofpero-prefacedqué-,weconductadiachronicvariationistanalysisofthedevelopmentofSpanishpero-prefacedqué-interrogativesbetween1700and1975,usingtheCORDEcorpus(RealAcademiaEspa?ola2016).Wetestthehypothesisthatthechallengereadingdevelopedlaterthanthequestionreading,focusingonrealizationswiththeverbdecir‘tosay’.Ourresultsshowthatduetotheirlargelymonologicalnature,,however,theuseofpero--(),thengoontodescribetherelevanceofprefacingforinferencemanagementingeneralandfor‘but’inparticular().,butmentonsomethingthattheinterlocutorhassaid(Stivers/Enfield2010).Considerexample(1),takenfromtheCOCA(Davies2015-2016),?Inthispaper,weonlyconsiderpartialinterrogativesformedwiththeinterrogativepronounqué‘what’,|9/24/189:09PM:..72??,(1):enlistment(Source:COCA(Davies2015-2016),Shotintheback,2015)“Yes,sir,somethingwecandoforyou?”“Isthiswhereyoujointhearmy?”“,whyyoujustbringhimrightondown06here,old-timer,andwe’llsignhimrightup.”[…]07“No,sir,I’mnotaskin’’maskin’aboutme.”08SergeantKilbridegotaconfusedlookonhisface.“Idon’,askingaboutyou?”10“Joinin’up”,Alexandersaid.“Iwanttojointhearmy.”11Thesergeantlaughed.“YouwanttofightforUncleSam,doyou?”.12“You’’llfightashardfortheYankeegovernmentthistime13asIoncefoughtagainstit”.Giventhattheparticipantsareinanenlistmentoffice,therecruiters’standardassumptionisthatanyoneenteringtheofficewantstojointhearmy(–4).However,giventhatAlexanderisveryold,eupwithanalternativeexplanationofhispresence,namely,thathewantstoenlisthisgrandson(–6).ThisforcesAlexandertoclarifytwicethatheindeedwantstojointhearmy().Thisinformationfirstleadstoconfusion(–9)andthendisbelief().Therecruiterexpresseshisdisbeliefbothbylaughingandthenaskingaboutsomethingthathasalreadybeensaidtwice:,theinterrogativeYouwanttofightforUncleSam,doyou?,butratherchallengestheproposition‘Iwanttojointhearmy’(1)thusillustratesthat“grammarandprosodydonotreliablyidentifyquestions”(Hayano2012).Rather,wecanassumethatthemostbasicpragmaticfunctionofaninterrogativeissimplytomobilizearesponsebytheinterlocutor(StiversandRossano2010).Whichtypeofresponseisexpectedorpreferredbytheinterrogativeuttererdependson(a)thewaytheinterrogativeisdesigned(.,whetheritisapolarorapartialinterrogative,oritslexico-syntaxandprosody)and(b)theprecedingcontext,-,ithasbeenshownthatwell-prefacesinEnglishserveto“indexsomekindofdeparturefromexpectationsforthesubsequentturn”(Heritage2013).Prefacesestablishakindofinterpretative‘indexicalframe’(Auer1996)ingturnthatguidesinferentialprocessesconcerning,forinstance,theconnectednessoftheturns(SchegloffandSacks1973;MazelandandHuiskes2001;Heritage2013;Li2016),therelationoftheturntoaninstitutional‘agenda’(HeritageandSorjonen1994)(Heritage2013)asforexamplebreathingandbodilyvisualbehavior(StreeckandHartge1992),addressterms(Clayman2010;2012)particleslikeohandah(Heritage1984;Küttner2016;KüttnerthisSI)aswellasdiscoursemarkersandconnectives(Schiffrin1987;Hansen1998a;b),especiallywithinthedenialofexpectationsapproach(Lakoff1971;Blakemore1989;Iten2005).Wefollowthegeneralassumptionofthisapproach,whichclaimsthatbutsignalsadeviationfromUnauthenticatedDownloadDate|9/24/189:09PM:..When“Questions“arenotQuestions?(Lakoff1971),argumentativeviewpoints(breandDucrot1977)andtherelevanceofcontextualinterpretations(Blakemore1989).Considertheconstructeddialogueinexample(2).Example(2):ring(Assumedcontext:Standinginfrontofashop-window)01A::Ohyesitis!03Butit’’sutteranceThisringisbeautiful(02)’sutteranceButit’stooexpensive(03).ThefunctioneptsthetruthorvalidityA’sutterance,alikelyconsequence(inthiscasetobuythering)(partial)acceptanceofacontrastingpositionisevidencedinthisexamplebyB’sutteranceOhyesitis!(02),(Couper-KuhlenandThompson2000;Barth-Weingarten2003),whereconcessioninconversationinitsbasicformisseentoinvolvethreesequentialmoves:(1)aclaimbyoneparticipantA,(2)anacknowledgingmovebyaninterlocutorB,whosubsequently(3)formulatesaclaimthatispossiblypatiblewithA’().Thenotionofmanifestnessreferstothefactthatinterlocutorsmaynotonlyassumethatanassumptionactuallyholdsbutalsothatthereare‘degreesofprobability’forassumptionstobesharedbyinterlocutorsaspartoftheircommonground([1986]:39-46).Forinstance,Bell(1998;2010)assumesthatbutoperatesonassumptionsthatare‘derivable’fromthepriordiscourse,whichimpliesthatinsomecases,“bothconcede[s]thetruthofthepriordiscourseandsignal[s]thecancellationofthepotentialconsequencederivablefromthepriordiscoursesegment”(Bell2010).Cruciallyforthepresentstudy,(2),theinferredconsequencecanbesaidtoconcernthesemantic/ideationaldimensionofdiscourse(Schiffrin1987),anizationofdiscourse(Bell2010).Theonlypreviousstudyonbut-