PREFACEMANY histories of philosophy exist, and it has not been my purpose merely to add one to theirnumber. My purpose is to exhibit philosophy as an integral part of social and political life: not asthe isolated speculations of remarkable individuals, but as both an effect and a cause of thecharacter of the munities in which different systems flourished. This purposedemands more account of general history than is usually given by historians of philosophy. I havefound this particularly necessary as regards periods with which the general reader cannot beassumed to be familiar. The great age of the scholastic philosophy was an e of the reformsof the eleventh century, and these, in turn, were a reaction against previous corruption. Withoutsome knowledge of the centuries between the fall of Rome and the rise of the medieval Papacy,the intellectual atmosphere of the twelfth and thirteenth centuriescan hardly be understood. Indealing with this period, as with others, I have aimed at giving only so much general history as Ithought necessary for the prehension of philosophers in relation to the times thatformed them and the times that they helped to form. One consequence of this point of view is that the importance which it gives to a philosopher isoften not that which he deserves on account of his philosophic merit. For my part, for example, Iconsider Spinoza a greater philosopher than Locke, but he was far less influential; I havetherefore treated him much more briefly than Locke. Some men--for example, Rousseau andByron-though not philosophers at all in the academic sense, have so profoundly affected theprevailing philosophic temper that the development of philosophy cannot be understood if theyare ignored. Even pure men of action are sometimes of great importance in this respect; very fewphilosophers have influenced philosophy as much as Alexander the Great, Charlemagne, orNapoleon. Lycurgus, if only be had existed, would have been a still more notable example. In attem
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